Canada in Afghanistan
In Kabul, Washington, Brussels, London, Paris, and Amsterdam, the debate over NATO’s role in Afghanistan is building. President Obama is not only considering the possibility of General McChrystal’s recommended troop surge and tactical shift towards far greater civilian protection, but more importantly, he is reconsidering the broader strategic objectives of the mission. Is the goal to protect America from a resurgent al-Qaeda, to build an Afghan state that can hold the Taliban at bay, or to reconfigure both Afghanistan and Pakistan? The answer will drive his decision in the coming weeks. As the president deliberates, the U.S. media and public are increasingly engaged.
In Canada, while there is a similar conversation occurring behind the closed doors of government – our mandarins must decide what we will do after the 2011 deadline set by parliament in March 2008 – there has been an astonishing silence in the public domain. What should Canada be doing in Afghanistan post-2011?
The government of Canada has skirted this issue in public with various opaque statements by the prime minister, the minister of Defence and other members of the Conservative cabinet. They have confirmed our withdrawal but have given hardly any indication as to what this will look like, whether a military presence will remain to carry out the development and training tasks they assert will continue or whether the U.S. will fill the void. Meanwhile Lt. General Andrew Leslie, the head of the Canadian army, has stated that they “currently do not have any plans, or even any line diagrams on a blank sheet of paper for post-2011.”
Motivated by the belief that decisions need to be taken long before 2011, that we can’t just up and pull out – that there are substantial strategic, ethical, and financial considerations – last week we convened a roundtable at the University of British Columbia in order to discuss these critical issues. We started with our own “blank sheet” and to fill it in, several seasoned Canadian experts who have lived and breathed Afghanistan over the last eight years, including Gordon Smith, Chris Alexander, and Graeme Smith. We posed a series of guiding questions that we hoped would incite debate. They were as follows:
1) Public support for the Afghan mission stands at 37 per cent in Canada and roughly half of Canadians are in support of a civilian mission post-2011. How are domestic politics likely to influence the shape of Canada's involvement? And what influence should they have?
2) The Canadian government has committed itself to a set of tasks for the benefit of the Afghan people. At the same time, the fighting has killed 131 Canadian soldiers and one diplomat. The war has cost between $11-12 billion. What responsibilities and obligations have we incurred? To the Afghan people? To NATO and the UN? To Canadians?
3) The Government has been unclear as to whether a contingent of Canadian forces will remain to protect delivery of assistance, or whether the ensuing void post-withdrawal will be covered by our U.S. and NATO allies. Moreover, does the withdrawal of a “mere” 2800 Canadians, compared with the U.S. 80,000, really mean a “gap”? What would assistance look like without military support? Can we “do” development without the military? What are the implications of a withdrawal for NATO and U.S. relations?
4) What are the options for our involvement? What are the costs and benefits of different options? What are the standards of evaluation? What is desirable? What is doable? How do we avoid what Gen. Hillier recently called “pie in the sky” ideas about Afghanistan? How do we avoid such ideas and ensure success in whatever it is that we commit ourselves to post-2011.
It is a tall order, we know, but we hope that this web forum, based on last week’s roundtable meeting, will be, at the very least, the start of a much needed discussion on these important issues.
A Holistic Approach
- First Posted: Nov 12 2009 17:33 PM
- Updated: 7 months ago
VIDEO: Canada can make a difference if its aid strategy focuses on what is practical and tangible.
Eight years into the UN military engagement, Afghans are disillusioned with deteriorating security, widespread corruption, and deepening poverty. The latest UN Human Development Index ranked Afghanistan 181 out of 182 countries. At the core of the problem is the absence of a holistic international strategy to rebuild the country.
At the same time, the post-2011 Canadian involvement can still have a positive impact if the aid strategy focuses on practical and tangible steps.
First, our aid should become more equitable. Our efforts should address priority issues that are identified by Afghans themselves both in Kandahar and at the national level. In doing so, we must refrain from supporting short-term projects that duplicate efforts while shutting out opportunities to use and build local capacity. Canada can build on the success of initiatives like the community-led National Solidarity Program to restore confidence among local populations.
Second, Canada should ensure that aid is primarily channeled through the Afghan government. Nearly two-thirds of foreign aid bypasses the Afghan government, a failure that the UN calls “shameful.” If the Afghan government takes serious measures to combat corruption and promote a merit-based system, Canadian contributions can have a greater impact.
With a positive record in aid effectiveness, Canada must redouble its institutional-building efforts to help develop a viable and accountable Afghan state. Progress in education, health, army, and national economy demonstrate the readiness and capacity of the Afghans to lead.
Third, political leaders must engage seriously with Canadians about our future commitments in Afghanistan. Public support for the Afghan mission stands at 37 per cent in Canada, according to a recent Agnus Reid poll. Despite the expenditures and loss of life to date, central questions remain. Why are we in Afghanistan? Is Canada making a difference? Such lingering questions must be credibly addressed as part of the new approach in Afghanistan.
More fundamentally, Canada must develop a five-year development strategy focusing on three key priorities: good governance, primary and technical education, and agriculture and rural development. Creating decent jobs, especially for youth and women, improving access to education and rule of law will give ordinary people a stake in their country’s future.
This new approach, however, must improve mutual accountability, equitable distribution of aid, sustainability and local ownership. Otherwise, there is little guarantee that renewed focus will yield any significant results.
Finally, the transition to aid and development will be fraught with real difficulties unless the security situation improves dramatically. Neither can Canada solve the Afghan problem in isolation. The downward spiral can be reversed only if there is a unified, coherent international strategy in Afghanistan. The clock is running out.















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